1. As shown in som example in the book “ Brahmin Genocide: A Precursor to Hindu Extinction:,, the union and some state Governments in many cases are choosing to remain as either passive supporters or silent non- actors when it comes to Brahmin hate. Hence, instead of the state taking it up, the burden has fallen on the community members to approach the Honourable courts for such hate speech issues.
2. The government itself has propagated racist theories either wittingly or unwittingly and the seeds of hatred which have been planted in young minds for many decades in the past have now grown to a giant tree. It might take at least a few decades to address the issues, undo the damages of the past and ensure that the future generations of Indians are growing up in a hate-free environment.
3. Brahmins constitute a tiny minority in the country. As shown in some examples, there are already open calls to polarise the rest of society against Brahmins. With the Government not taking the burden to confront such hate speech, it seems to have abdicated its constitutional responsibility.
4. As observed by Prof. Jeremy Waldron, the cost of hate speech are not evenly spread across the community.
“The costs of hate speech. . . are not spread evenly across the community that is supposed to tolerate them. The [racists] of the world may not harm the people who call for their toleration, but then few of them are depicted as animals in posters plastered around Leamington Spa [an English town]. We should speak to those who are depicted in this way, or those whose suffering or whose parents’ suffering is mocked by [the Skokie neo-Nazis], before we conclude that tolerating this sort of speech builds character.”
5. In the case of Dharmic Brahmins, they are easily identifiable with their traditional hair style, their religious symbols and markings, attire. and can be readily identified and targeted easily. In such instances of Brahmin hate, when the state often remains a mute spectator, it is often the poor and economically vulnerable members among the community who end up bearing the brunt of such hate.
6. Brahmin poverty is not an imaginary phenomenon. Below are some examples.
The Tamil newspaper article states that a poor Brahmin priest could not feed his own mother and she died out of starvation. Since he did not have money for performing final rites, he disposed of her mortal remains in a dust bin. When doctors did the post mortem, they found the gastro-intestinal tract was empty and felt sad. (it means there was no food in the stomach and the person died due to starvation).
7.Below is an excerpt from a news article on Brahmins in Bihar living in poverty.
“We are Brahmins in name only,” said Santosh Mishra, 50, sitting in the small bamboo hut he has built on the only little piece of land he owns. He is married with two sons and a daughter. The eldest, Ashwini, 16, has passed class 10. “I am trying my best to continue his education,” said Mishra, who couldn’t study after passing his intermediate.
“It would have been better if we had not been born Brahmin. At least, there would have been some help,” she added. “We can’t even beg because it would upset them (the affluent among the Brahmins).”
Interestingly, the mainstream media article includes below statement
“They are Brahmins. Poverty has taken everything away from them — except the attitude of the upper caste.”
Here, one must pause and reflect. What attitude can a Brahmin living in abject poverty and struggling without any Government help exhibit? This is the typical approach of many in the Indian media. In any story involving Brahmins, an angle has to be invented to blame the Brahmin. Even if it involves a Brahmin living in poverty without any Government assistance, an innuendo on their ‘attitude’ needs to be inserted.
Kashmiri Pandit genocide was sought to be white washed in similar manner, by blaming it on the Pandits (the real victims).
Below is data on the economic status of Brahmins living in Karnataka, during the 1970s.
“In this connection it would be revealing to quote the per capita income of various communities as stated by the Karnataka finance minister in the state assembly: Christians Rs 1,562, Vokkaligas Rs 914, Muslims Rs 794, Scheduled castes Rs 680, Scheduled Tribes Rs 577 and Brahmins Rs 537.”
As pointed out in earlier examples, the Union and State governments are often indifferent to Brahmophobia hate speeches. In Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan vs. Union of India,[2] the Honourable court observed thus:
“Therefore, the executive as well as civil society has to perform its role in enforcing the already existing legal regime. Effective regulation of “hate speeches” at all levels is required as the authors of such speeches can be booked under the existing penal law and all the law enforcing agencies must ensure that the existing law is not rendered a dead letter. Enforcement of the aforesaid provisions is required being in consonance with the proposition “salus reipublicae suprema lex” (safety of the state is the supreme law).”
Since the union and state governments are unwilling or unable to act on many instances of hate speeches targeted against Brahmins, the last recourse for the Brahmin community is the judiciary and hence, we can argue that there is an immediate need for a Brahmin Protection Law